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Nuachtán No.1 January/Eanáir 1996In Nuachtán the clan newsletter we shall outline progress made with our various projects over the last year. As this is the first edition of our newsletter, we shall also set out in this edition an outline of our projected work program. Projected clan research program We propose to initially review the standard Irish genealogical books to provide a general context for future research Subsequently we shall examine genealogical sources held in the British Museum. With a general background established, we then propose to extract the details of all clan members from the Births. Deaths and Marriages records for England & Wales 1837-1999, Scotland 1855-1999, Northern Ireland 1921-1999, Ireland 1864-1999, Channel Islands, & the Isle of Man. With the British Isles official registration records extracted, then Births Deaths and Marriages records for other countries will be added. This primarily is aimed at records for the United States of America though will be extended to include those of Canada. The process of building up our modern (19th and 20th century) data will finally encompass those other countries where Irish families are known to have settled in that period, including Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, & Argentina. From the above base-line we will then attempt to push back our information, both into older Irish records and into other countries, including France and Spain, where Irish families settled prior to the 19th century. Naturally we welcome receipt of clan information from any country at any time, however the above program is suggested purely to show how we aim to structure our research. In rebuilding the clan tree our aim will be to establish a base line, from which we shall attempt to link the generations. There are major difficulties in establishing an accurate base line, from which to link data from all countries holding records of the clan diaspore. National censuses could constitute one obvious base line, however nations chose different dates to organise their censuses. Time gaps between censuses might allow some individuals to be recorded in more than one census, or even for someone to miss being recorded on any census. Another difficulty with censuses is that even where one has suitable censuses, nations allow varying degrees of access to the information. After consideration we take the view that a base date of 1900/1901 would be suitable for several reasons. By 1900 most developed countries were producing fairly complete census returns, covering either the whole country or all states within a country. Also censuses returns for 1900/1901 are largely within the public domain. Most importantly the census of 1901 is the earliest intact return for Ireland. This census, together with the 1901 census for Great Britain, may become available for purchase by the public at some time in the next few years. Negotiations are occurring between genealogical societies and the Public Records Office, to transcribe the 1891 census and make it available to the public, so this is something which we may look forward to in the short term.
British Museum Research
We came across a number of other entries which can be classified as possible references to the name, these include the following:-
One major source of genealogy information is the population census. In Ireland all 19th censuses were pulped by the English authorities or destroyed during the Irish civil war. This leaves a huge hole in Irish records. Contemporary summaries written at the time of each of the censuses are extant. These summaries include information such as estimates of the size of Ireland's population, usually with a calculation of the Catholic percentage. This obsession with religious affiliation is difficult to understand today, however apart from clear religious questions, the size of Protestant communion was equated with the measure of English control over Ireland.
The increase in percentage of Catholic Ireland from the early censuses may not be just the more accurate counting of population, but may well reflect the decline in Protestant Ireland resulting from the emigration of (Scots) Irish to America in the 18th century. The statistics imply a 10% outflow of the Protestant population over a 100 year period. This would be a fairly significant population movement, however it does not appear to account for the number of Protestants claiming (Scots) Irish ancestry in North America. Some deeper analysis is clearly required. It may suggest that the Irish Protestant population, though increasing by conversion of Catholics over the 18th century on a larger scale than previously supposed, was nevertheless reduced by even greater emigration, thereby outstripping this growth. Hence a 10% rate of conversion over the same period might well give a true and much more significant outflow of Protestants to North America of 20%. Such a proposition would also produce a very different (Scots) Irish population in America, indeed perhaps the term Scots Irish would under this understanding be a less accurate description than simply Irish. The earlier 17th century census records are unlikely to be accurate, however comparing the census figures for 1788 onwards with subsequent censuses, these figures appear fairly reasonable. We can look at these figures to help us assess the family size in the 18th century. The sudden drop in population between 1841 and 1851 marks both the impact of the Irish famine of 1846 and subsequent flood of emigration out of Ireland. In future editions we shall report on progress with our next major project, which is to extract our clan records from the indexes of Births, Deaths and Marriages for England & Wales 1837 to 1993. The historical context in which the Ó Maelearcaidh clan developed in Ireland - Series Issue No. 1In order to place the Ó Maelearcaidh clan data into it's historical and sociological context we shall over several issues set out a history of Ireland, covering the period from approximately 1140 to the early 1800's. Within the context of a general history, we shall provide a more detailed account of events between 1500 and 1700, as this was the defining period during which the Gaelic order, the clan system and culture underpinning it were transformed into the proto system and culture of the modern day. Inevitably because of England's dominant position, events in Ireland over the course of the last thousand years have, to a large part, been reactive to the impact of English policy to Ireland. Nevertheless the two islands had mutually influenced each other since antiquity, with population movements in both directions. It was with the victory of the Norman interloper, William the Conqueror over the Anglo-Saxons that we see the emergence of a ruthlessly effective military machine in England. Normans quickly replaced the local Saxon aristocracy and suppressed dissent from the native population. Achieving their conquest through brute force, the new Norman elite expressed their power over the English with an impressive castle building program, underpinned by Norman controlled courts and ecclesiastical institutions. In time the Normans secured their position, despite remaining culturally and linguistically separate from their subjects and it did not take long before they began to cast an envious eye on the lands of their Celtic neighbours. The Norman Influence on Ireland Following the Norman conquest of England in 1066, both Normans and Anglo Saxons settled in Ireland, mainly in the Danish subkingdoms along the Irish coast. Interestingly, Hereward the Wake, the legendary Anglo Saxon hero who continued the resistance to Norman rule in East Anglia, took refuge for a time in Ireland. However the difference in concept of land ownership between the native Irish (Gael) and the Norman and Anglo Saxon settlers began to lead to problems. For now the Irish were far more concerned with their own internal politics than with confronting minor problems with the insignificant settlements of foreign settlers. In the 1140's a terrible civil war broke out between the Uí Néill King of Ulster and the Uí Bhriain King of Munster for overlordship of Ireland. When both sides to the conflict were thoroughly exhausted, they were attacked by Toirdealmhach mon Ó Conchobhair the king of Connaught. Toirdealmhach rapidly gained pre-eminence in Ireland and soon mopped up the final pockets of resistance in Munster around 1151. However the accession of Toirdealmhach did not completely halt the feuding between the Irish Provincial kings. In 1153 the king of Leinster, Diarmuid Ó Murchadha, who had supported the Uí Néill against Toirdealmhach, kidnapped Derrebhorgail, wife of Ó Ruairc, a Connaught clan chief. Ó Ruairc appealed to the high king Toirdealmhach for help and Diarmuid was forced to make restitution. The disgruntled Diarmuid plotted revenge. In 1156 before Diarmuid had chance to put any plans into effect Toirdealmhach died. During the short period of his reign as high king, Toirdealmhach had neither fully consolidated his rule, nor had he given much time to rebuilding the damage to Ireland, caused during the years of civil warfare. With Toirdealmhach's death the inter provincial rivalries resumed and the Uí Néill briefly assuming the high kingship. They in turn were overcome in 1166 by the Uí Chonchobhair of Connacht, who in the person of Ruaithri Ó Conchobhair became high king. Diarmuid Ó Murchadha continued to create instability between the Provinces. In 1169 Ruaithri finally lost patience and forced Diarmuid into exile. This event proved to be one of the most fateful in the entire history of Ireland. Diarmuid's reaction was to sail to Bristol in England. Because of the huge trade between Bristol and Dublin he had many Norman friends there, who advised him to go to the court of Henry II of England for help. Unbeknown to Diarmuid, Henry had his own designs on the territory. Henry had acceded to the throne of England, by murdering King Stephen I in 1154. In a piece of unbridled favouritism the Pope at the time, Nicholas Breakespear, otherwise known as Adrian IV (the only Norman English Pope and friend of Henry), had granted the titular sovereignty of Ireland to Henry. The supposed reason of the Papacy was so that Henry could enable the English church, through the Archbishop of Canterbury, to enforce religious conformity on the Irish church, which was "irredeemably corrupt" and "in error". At the time of his coronation, Henry had immense political problems securing the English Crown against outraged followers of Stephen and was unable to pursue this claim to Ireland. However he was well aware of the chaos in Ireland, aware of it's state of weakness and had been hoping for an opportunity to exploit the situation. Diarmuid as a provincial king, presented the ideal means of dividing the weakened Irish forces. Additionally Diarmuid had previously been a supporter of Henry during the dark days while Stephen I had ruled England. Accordingly Henry was well disposed to grant Diarmuid letters Patent, under which Fitz-Gilbert de Clare, also called Strongbow and other Norman knights, were to help Diarmuid regain the kingship of Leinster in return for lands in Ireland. Prior to the expedition setting out, the new Irish high king, Ruairi Ó Conchobhair, fearing the consequences of Norman involvement, contacted Diarmuid and offered to support his claim to regain kingship of Leinster, on the condition that no Norman knights were brought into Ireland. Unfortunately Diarmuid had a new agenda, he wanted the Irish high kingship for himself and hoped to manipulate the Normans to achieve his ends. In 1169 the Norman advance guard landed in Ireland. They were so successful against the weak Irish defences, that when Strongbow arrived at Waterford in 1170 with the main body of Norman knights, he realised that he might take the whole island with his existing forces. Indeed Strongbow became gripped with ambition for personal power. To establish his own claim to kingship, he married Aeive, Diarmuid's daughter. Diarmuid continued to pursue his grand strategy, thinking to use Strongbow by promising him the kingship of Leinster after his death. But Diarmuid failed to realize the danger posed by an ever increasingly ambitious Strongbow. In any event Diarmuid's promise to Strongbow was bogus, it was contrary to the laws of Tanistry, as kingship was not inherited in the way it was under Norman law of Primogeniture. Irish kings were effectively elected as the best candidate from the class of royal contenders. Neither Aeive, nor a husband of Aeive would have any special right to the kingship of Leinster over any other contenders. Strongbow would not have understood the breach of Brehon law being practiced by Diarmuid, nor that the Leinster nobility could vote as king whomsoever they wished. He certainly did not appreciate that Diarmuid as king did not own the land and naturally assumed that Diarmuid had the right to gift the regal lands. None of this concerned Strongbow whose personal ambition had pushed him to the point of no return. He planned to pursue his own destiny without help from Diarmuid or King Henry in London. Strongbow believed he could fight his way to kingship of Leinster and possibly to the high kingship of Ireland, with or without help from an Irish ally. He therefore assumed the kingship of Leinster from Diarmuid, overthrowing tanist rule and laws. The somewhat tragic Diarmuid is remembered as the traitor who welcomed the initial Norman English involvement in Ireland. On the death of Diarmuid in May 1171, Strongbow claimed the legal kingship of Leinster (following Diarmuid's earlier agreement), and he enforced the claim by military force. But Strongbow was exposed and his actions galvanized the Irish and Irish based Danes to unite in common cause against him. Though Strongbow succeeded in repelling the Irish, he realised that he was probably dependent on King Henry for his long term survival. King Henry also knew that Strongbow had acted traitorously and had planned to take Ireland for himself. Henry turned up the pressure on Strongbow by demanded that all loyal Englishmen return to England. Recognizing his situation was hopeless, Strongbow lay his victories at the feet of King Henry, an offer which Henry was not going to ignore. And so in October 1171 the first English king landed in Waterford at the head of a large Norman/Angevin army to take charge of his new kingdom and accept the written and personal allegiances of his Norman and Irish vassals. Overlordship of Ireland Like subsequent English kings, Henry misunderstood the submission of the
many Gaelic nobility and kings as feudal homage. The Irish were certainly not
accepting English sovereignty, but simply acknowledging their temporary defeat
to the stronger hand. Indeed a few Irish kings such the kings of the
Cenél Conaill and Cenél Eóghain in Ulster refused to even
pay this homage to Henry. Nevertheless Henry took their actions as legal confirmation of his claim to
be Lord of Ireland. He divided Ireland into 10 administrative regions, each
under the control of Norman knights, but significantly he gave Ruaithri, the
Irish high king, jurisdiction over the whole island except for the Pale which
was governed as a appanage to the English port of Bristol. Bristol, or Bristo
as it was then known, had grown fat on selling slaves to the Dublin Danes. The
Pale was to consist of Dublin, Meath, Wexford, Waterford and Dungarvan. Henry
ensured all the legal and administrative institutions were also put in place to
run this directly English controlled area with Courts, an Exchequer and
administrative body in Dublin. The problem for the Norman/Angevins was that the Irish were far more numerous than their Norman conquerors. Furthermore Norman power was concentrated in the east of Ireland, especially in the Pale. Hence whilst laws and administrative decisions might be made by Henry, there was simply not the resources to enforce those laws, except in the Pale area. Many Normans outside the Pale area soon found themselves struggling to defend their new lands, not just from the natives, but also from other Norman knights. More Normans arrived in Ireland attracted by the prospect of acquiring lands. This wave of settlers turned their attention to Ulster, which had so far remained defiantly independent of Henry. John de Courcy a Norman knight equipped a private expedition from Dublin in February 1177. In a surprise attack de Courcy overran the Irish kingdom of Dál Fiatach on the East coast of County Down. Despite repeated counter-attacks, the Irish were unable to dislodge the Normans. De Courcy named his new acquisition the Lordship of Ulster, which over time came to dominate the whole of east Ulster. The martial success of the Normans against larger Irish forces can largely be accounted for by their superior military technology. In particular their use of chain mail armour, the greater impact of their cavalry lances, due to the use of deep saddles and stirrups and their use of crossbows, which had a much greater range than Irish shortbows. Until the Irish acquired similar technology, raw courage would not be enough to seriously challenge the Normans. De Courcy tried to push into Antrim but despite his firepower, he overextended himself and was forced to beat a speedy retreat. Only 11 of his knights survived the encounter. What saved the survivors was that they were able to take refuge in their mote and bailey castle. From their toe hold on the coast, de Courcy was able to get resupplied by ship and put in place a step by step approach to the conquest of Down and Antrim. De Courcy followed each success by building an impressive castle to consolidate the gains. The most famous of these castles were at Carrickfergus and Dundrum. Over time the Norman's Ulster enclave took on the character of an independent state, with de Courcy minting his own currency, administering the Lordship without recourse to Dublin and even establishing a legal system and courts. British Museum Books reviewed 1995
Books researched in the Society of Genealogists library, in London
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maintained by gearoid@omaelearcaidh.com.. Material Copyright © 1996 Fondúireacht Chlann Uí Mhaelearcaidh |
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