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Nuachtán No.1 January/Eanáir 1996

In Nuachtán the clan newsletter we shall outline progress made with our various projects over the last year.

As this is the first edition of our newsletter, we shall also set out in this edition an outline of our projected work program.

Projected clan research program

We propose to initially review the standard Irish genealogical books to provide a general context for future research

Subsequently we shall examine genealogical sources held in the British Museum.

With a general background established, we then propose to extract the details of all clan members from the Births. Deaths and Marriages records for England & Wales 1837-1999, Scotland 1855-1999, Northern Ireland 1921-1999, Ireland 1864-1999, Channel Islands, & the Isle of Man.

With the British Isles official registration records extracted, then Births Deaths and Marriages records for other countries will be added. This primarily is aimed at records for the United States of America though will be extended to include those of Canada.

The process of building up our modern (19th and 20th century) data will finally encompass those other countries where Irish families are known to have settled in that period, including Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, & Argentina.

From the above base-line we will then attempt to push back our information, both into older Irish records and into other countries, including France and Spain, where Irish families settled prior to the 19th century.

Naturally we welcome receipt of clan information from any country at any time, however the above program is suggested purely to show how we aim to structure our research.

In rebuilding the clan tree our aim will be to establish a base line, from which we shall attempt to link the generations. There are major difficulties in establishing an accurate base line, from which to link data from all countries holding records of the clan diaspore. National censuses could constitute one obvious base line, however nations chose different dates to organise their censuses. Time gaps between censuses might allow some individuals to be recorded in more than one census, or even for someone to miss being recorded on any census. Another difficulty with censuses is that even where one has suitable censuses, nations allow varying degrees of access to the information. After consideration we take the view that a base date of 1900/1901 would be suitable for several reasons. By 1900 most developed countries were producing fairly complete census returns, covering either the whole country or all states within a country. Also censuses returns for 1900/1901 are largely within the public domain. Most importantly the census of 1901 is the earliest intact return for Ireland. This census, together with the 1901 census for Great Britain, may become available for purchase by the public at some time in the next few years. Negotiations are occurring between genealogical societies and the Public Records Office, to transcribe the 1891 census and make it available to the public, so this is something which we may look forward to in the short term.


Hand in hand with the quest to obtain certificated records of birth, death and marriage, will run the historical examination of records in major libraries, such a the British museum, Library of Congress, Society of Genealogists, Irish National Archives etc. with a view to expanding our understanding of not just clan history, but also the Irish clan system and laws of tanistry.


Progress

Over the last year we accumulated the following clan information from the standard Irish genealogical books such as Edward MacLysaght's "More Irish Families", "The Surnames of Ireland", Irish Families their names, arms and origins", "Supplement to Irish Families". Also reviewed were the following "A dictionary of British Surnames" by Percy Reaney, "British family names, their origin and meaning " 2nd edn. by Henry Barber, "Patronymica Britannia a dictionary of family names in the UK" by Mark Lower, "Surnames" by Earnest Weekly, and "Ludus patronymicus" by Richard Charnock :

  • MacLysaght gives the original form of the name as Ó Maoilearca. The meaning of the name is quoted as probably denoting a follower of St Erc. The clan was said to originate in Tyrconnel (Donegal). MacLysaght says that the clan, like several others from county Donegal, migrated from Ulster to Connacht in the wake of the O'Donnell's, in the 17th century. He also refers to the name as O'Mullarky. In his latter work MacLysaght records the location of the family as East Mayo, Roscommon, Sligo and to an extent Galway. MacLysaght also notes that one of the leaders of the O'Neil - O'Cahan conspiracy against the Ulster planters in 1615 was Edmund O'Mullarky, the Provincial of the Irish Franciscans. He acted as a courier for the rebels.
  • Per Robert Matheson in his "Special report on surnames in Ireland with notes as to numerical strength, derivation , ethnology and distribution" the number of children born in Ireland in 1890 with our surname was recorded as twenty-one, twenty of which were in Connacht and just one was in Ulster. In Matheson's "Surnames," written at the turn of the 19th century, Matheson records the location of the family as the Counties of Mayo, Sligo and Galway. However at page 21 Matheson gives the place of origin of the name as Galway. This is in total contrast to MacLysaght. Matheson gives his authority as the Annals of the Four Masters. The annals or the Four Masters is a work of the Gaelic genealogical chroniclers, which we should review to check the validity of Matheson's statement.
  • Other clues may lie in place names. There is Drom Eirc near the town of Donegal in County Donegal. Additionally there is Ross Erk abbey close to the town of Ballina in County Mayo in Connacht and finally there is Termon Eric in County Kerry in Munster.
  • The late 19th century location of the family in Ireland suggests a Connacht base to the name, though the remanent presence in Ulster does point to some connection with Ulster. Hence there may be a basis to MacLysaght's view that the name originated in Ulster. Apart from the links to Slane in County Meath, the name is also associated with the south of Ireland. Meath is not too far from Ulster and if St Erc accompanied St. Patrick on his evangelising in Ulster, then this may account for the Ulster connection. (Patrick's main seat was in Armagh, the spiritual capital of Ireland, and his eventual place of burial was at DownPatrick in Ulster in 465.)  

British Museum Research

We have examined a number of books held in the immense British Museum records (For a list of records examined se the schedule below). One point which has been notable in examining documentation in the British Museum, is the lack of visibility of our clan in the British administration records in Ireland. Hence we found no record of our clan in the "List of Officers in Ireland 1717", or in "Irish Clergy in the 19th century", or in "The Compossicion Booke of Conought", or the "Civil Survey 1654-1656", or the "Commission for forfeited estates 1690", "Popish pretenders to forfeited estates 1702", or the Register 1705 compiled under the Act of registering the Popish clergy, or the Patent Rolls from James II, or "List of names of persons at James II's part, or "Princes and Chieftains of Erin", or "Irish Ecclesiastical exiles", or "Claims with trustees" or "Books of Survey and distribution abstracts of survey and instruments of title 1660-1661" (The Books of Survey were based on the Quit Rent Office distribution books. They contain a list of names of proprietors and forfeiting persons in 1641 and those who received land under the Act of Settlement. The books are recorded in volumes - Tyrone and Donegal, Galway, Leitrim Sligo and barony of Tyrawley in Mayo, Roscommon, Mayo, and Clare).

The clan did emerge from the gloomy mist of moldy British government records, when reviewing the surviving tomes of "The Census of Ireland circa 1659 with supplementary material from the Poll Money Ordinances," the following record was found in the record for County Sligo :

  • Page 600 Sligo, Barony of Leynie
  • Principal Irish names - Mullarky - Number of persons -5
  • Total number of English inhabitants - 76
  • Total number of Irish inhabitants - 1,105
  • Total number of inhabitants - 1,181



This was a rather strange census, in that whilst English inhabitants are individually detailed, all native Irish were simply totalled and the only reference to them is a listing of the more plentifully names. It is strange to the writer that 5 persons out of 1,105 should be reckoned as a principle name, albeit that other Gaelic names are also recorded. Possibly the reference to 5 persons is being applied to the heads of families. Hence the census may be talking about 5 families of the clan which may each include 3 or 4 generations. This would then amount to a much more significant number of individuals. A different explanation may be that the 5 individuals collectively are significantly important in terms of land occupation/wealth in the Barony of Leynie. If numbers as low as 5 are significant then one wonders why the clan are not listed in any other Barony in Sligo or any of the other extant county records.

We came across a number of other entries which can be classified as possible references to the name, these include the following:-

  • In the Calender of the Irish Patent Rolls of James I at page 29 there is a reference to a Teige Maglaghy of Loughneglunt in Sligo. The name may be a phonetic version of Malarky. The reference refers to Teige as a swordsman and that he was given a general pardon (Pat.1, 12 Sept). This could be highly significant as it could show the clan based in Sligo prior to the flight of the O'Neill's in 1607. It might challenge the view given by MacLysaght as to the clan's connections with Connacht.
  • Also in the Calender of the Irish Patent Rolls of James I at page 110 there is a reference to John O'Nilarkie and Daltin O'Nilarkie all of Donegal (Pat.5, 7 July). As above these could be versions of O'Mullarkie which have be transcribed incorrectly mistaking the M nor an N. Typos are not unusual in genealogy where records are transcribed and difficulties occur in reading other writers handwriting. Taking the above the references together it may be that the clan had distinct septs, namely one large sept in Ulster, which was eventually removed to Connacht, and separate smaller Connacht septs located in Sligo and (perhaps) in Galway.

One major source of genealogy information is the population census. In Ireland all 19th censuses were pulped by the English authorities or destroyed during the Irish civil war. This leaves a huge hole in Irish records. Contemporary summaries written at the time of each of the censuses are extant. These summaries include information such as estimates of the size of Ireland's population, usually with a calculation of the Catholic percentage. This obsession with religious affiliation is difficult to understand today, however apart from clear religious questions, the size of Protestant communion was equated with the measure of English control over Ireland.

Year Population % Catholic
1672 1,320,000 72.7%
1695 1,034,000 -
1726 2,309,106 72.7%
1754 2,372,634 -
1767 2,544,276 -
1788 4,040,000 -
1792 4,088,226 -
1801 5,395,456 -
1811 5,937,856 -
1821 6,801,827 -
1831 7,767,401 -
1834 7,943,940 80.91%
1841 8,175,124 -
1851 6,552,385 -
1861 5,798,233 -

The increase in percentage of Catholic Ireland from the early censuses may not be just the more accurate counting of population, but may well reflect the decline in Protestant Ireland resulting from the emigration of (Scots) Irish to America in the 18th century. The statistics imply a 10% outflow of the Protestant population over a 100 year period. This would be a fairly significant population movement, however it does not appear to account for the number of Protestants claiming (Scots) Irish ancestry in North America. Some deeper analysis is clearly required. It may suggest that the Irish Protestant population, though increasing by conversion of Catholics over the 18th century on a larger scale than previously supposed, was nevertheless reduced by even greater emigration, thereby outstripping this growth. Hence a 10% rate of conversion over the same period might well give a true and much more significant outflow of Protestants to North America of 20%. Such a proposition would also produce a very different (Scots) Irish population in America, indeed perhaps the term Scots Irish would under this understanding be a less accurate description than simply Irish.

The earlier 17th century census records are unlikely to be accurate, however comparing the census figures for 1788 onwards with subsequent censuses, these figures appear fairly reasonable. We can look at these figures to help us assess the family size in the 18th century. The sudden drop in population between 1841 and 1851 marks both the impact of the Irish famine of 1846 and subsequent flood of emigration out of Ireland.

In future editions we shall report on progress with our next major project, which is to extract our clan records from the indexes of Births, Deaths and Marriages for England & Wales 1837 to 1993.

The historical context in which the Ó Maelearcaidh clan developed in Ireland - Series Issue No. 1

In order to place the Ó Maelearcaidh clan data into it's historical and sociological context we shall over several issues set out a history of Ireland, covering the period from approximately 1140 to the early 1800's. Within the context of a general history, we shall provide a more detailed account of events between 1500 and 1700, as this was the defining period during which the Gaelic order, the clan system and culture underpinning it were transformed into the proto system and culture of the modern day.

Inevitably because of England's dominant position, events in Ireland over the course of the last thousand years have, to a large part, been reactive to the impact of English policy to Ireland. Nevertheless the two islands had mutually influenced each other since antiquity, with population movements in both directions. It was with the victory of the Norman interloper, William the Conqueror over the Anglo-Saxons that we see the emergence of a ruthlessly effective military machine in England. Normans quickly replaced the local Saxon aristocracy and suppressed dissent from the native population. Achieving their conquest through brute force, the new Norman elite expressed their power over the English with an impressive castle building program, underpinned by Norman controlled courts and ecclesiastical institutions. In time the Normans secured their position, despite remaining culturally and linguistically separate from their subjects and it did not take long before they began to cast an envious eye on the lands of their Celtic neighbours.

The Norman Influence on Ireland

Following the Norman conquest of England in 1066, both Normans and Anglo Saxons settled in Ireland, mainly in the Danish subkingdoms along the Irish coast. Interestingly, Hereward the Wake, the legendary Anglo Saxon hero who continued the resistance to Norman rule in East Anglia, took refuge for a time in Ireland. However the difference in concept of land ownership between the native Irish (Gael) and the Norman and Anglo Saxon settlers began to lead to problems.

For now the Irish were far more concerned with their own internal politics than with confronting minor problems with the insignificant settlements of foreign settlers. In the 1140's a terrible civil war broke out between the Uí Néill King of Ulster and the Uí Bhriain King of Munster for overlordship of Ireland. When both sides to the conflict were thoroughly exhausted, they were attacked by Toirdealmhach mon Ó Conchobhair the king of Connaught. Toirdealmhach rapidly gained pre-eminence in Ireland and soon mopped up the final pockets of resistance in Munster around 1151. However the accession of Toirdealmhach did not completely halt the feuding between the Irish Provincial kings.

In 1153 the king of Leinster, Diarmuid Ó Murchadha, who had supported the Uí Néill against Toirdealmhach, kidnapped Derrebhorgail, wife of Ó Ruairc, a Connaught clan chief. Ó Ruairc appealed to the high king Toirdealmhach for help and Diarmuid was forced to make restitution. The disgruntled Diarmuid plotted revenge. In 1156 before Diarmuid had chance to put any plans into effect Toirdealmhach died. During the short period of his reign as high king, Toirdealmhach had neither fully consolidated his rule, nor had he given much time to rebuilding the damage to Ireland, caused during the years of civil warfare. With Toirdealmhach's death the inter provincial rivalries resumed and the Uí Néill briefly assuming the high kingship. They in turn were overcome in 1166 by the Uí Chonchobhair of Connacht, who in the person of Ruaithri Ó Conchobhair became high king. Diarmuid Ó Murchadha continued to create instability between the Provinces. In 1169 Ruaithri finally lost patience and forced Diarmuid into exile. This event proved to be one of the most fateful in the entire history of Ireland.

Diarmuid's reaction was to sail to Bristol in England. Because of the huge trade between Bristol and Dublin he had many Norman friends there, who advised him to go to the court of Henry II of England for help. Unbeknown to Diarmuid, Henry had his own designs on the territory. Henry had acceded to the throne of England, by murdering King Stephen I in 1154. In a piece of unbridled favouritism the Pope at the time, Nicholas Breakespear, otherwise known as Adrian IV (the only Norman English Pope and friend of Henry), had granted the titular sovereignty of Ireland to Henry. The supposed reason of the Papacy was so that Henry could enable the English church, through the Archbishop of Canterbury, to enforce religious conformity on the Irish church, which was "irredeemably corrupt" and "in error".

At the time of his coronation, Henry had immense political problems securing the English Crown against outraged followers of Stephen and was unable to pursue this claim to Ireland. However he was well aware of the chaos in Ireland, aware of it's state of weakness and had been hoping for an opportunity to exploit the situation. Diarmuid as a provincial king, presented the ideal means of dividing the weakened Irish forces. Additionally Diarmuid had previously been a supporter of Henry during the dark days while Stephen I had ruled England. Accordingly Henry was well disposed to grant Diarmuid letters Patent, under which Fitz-Gilbert de Clare, also called Strongbow and other Norman knights, were to help Diarmuid regain the kingship of Leinster in return for lands in Ireland.

Prior to the expedition setting out, the new Irish high king, Ruairi Ó Conchobhair, fearing the consequences of Norman involvement, contacted Diarmuid and offered to support his claim to regain kingship of Leinster, on the condition that no Norman knights were brought into Ireland. Unfortunately Diarmuid had a new agenda, he wanted the Irish high kingship for himself and hoped to manipulate the Normans to achieve his ends. In 1169 the Norman advance guard landed in Ireland. They were so successful against the weak Irish defences, that when Strongbow arrived at Waterford in 1170 with the main body of Norman knights, he realised that he might take the whole island with his existing forces.

Indeed Strongbow became gripped with ambition for personal power. To establish his own claim to kingship, he married Aeive, Diarmuid's daughter. Diarmuid continued to pursue his grand strategy, thinking to use Strongbow by promising him the kingship of Leinster after his death. But Diarmuid failed to realize the danger posed by an ever increasingly ambitious Strongbow. In any event Diarmuid's promise to Strongbow was bogus, it was contrary to the laws of Tanistry, as kingship was not inherited in the way it was under Norman law of Primogeniture. Irish kings were effectively elected as the best candidate from the class of royal contenders. Neither Aeive, nor a husband of Aeive would have any special right to the kingship of Leinster over any other contenders. Strongbow would not have understood the breach of Brehon law being practiced by Diarmuid, nor that the Leinster nobility could vote as king whomsoever they wished. He certainly did not appreciate that Diarmuid as king did not own the land and naturally assumed that Diarmuid had the right to gift the regal lands. None of this concerned Strongbow whose personal ambition had pushed him to the point of no return. He planned to pursue his own destiny without help from Diarmuid or King Henry in London.

Strongbow believed he could fight his way to kingship of Leinster and possibly to the high kingship of Ireland, with or without help from an Irish ally. He therefore assumed the kingship of Leinster from Diarmuid, overthrowing tanist rule and laws. The somewhat tragic Diarmuid is remembered as the traitor who welcomed the initial Norman English involvement in Ireland. On the death of Diarmuid in May 1171, Strongbow claimed the legal kingship of Leinster (following Diarmuid's earlier agreement), and he enforced the claim by military force. But Strongbow was exposed and his actions galvanized the Irish and Irish based Danes to unite in common cause against him. Though Strongbow succeeded in repelling the Irish, he realised that he was probably dependent on King Henry for his long term survival. King Henry also knew that Strongbow had acted traitorously and had planned to take Ireland for himself. Henry turned up the pressure on Strongbow by demanded that all loyal Englishmen return to England.

Recognizing his situation was hopeless, Strongbow lay his victories at the feet of King Henry, an offer which Henry was not going to ignore. And so in October 1171 the first English king landed in Waterford at the head of a large Norman/Angevin army to take charge of his new kingdom and accept the written and personal allegiances of his Norman and Irish vassals.

Overlordship of Ireland

Like subsequent English kings, Henry misunderstood the submission of the many Gaelic nobility and kings as feudal homage. The Irish were certainly not accepting English sovereignty, but simply acknowledging their temporary defeat to the stronger hand. Indeed a few Irish kings such the kings of the Cenél Conaill and Cenél Eóghain in Ulster refused to even pay this homage to Henry.

Nevertheless Henry took their actions as legal confirmation of his claim to be Lord of Ireland. He divided Ireland into 10 administrative regions, each under the control of Norman knights, but significantly he gave Ruaithri, the Irish high king, jurisdiction over the whole island except for the Pale which was governed as a appanage to the English port of Bristol. Bristol, or Bristo as it was then known, had grown fat on selling slaves to the Dublin Danes. The Pale was to consist of Dublin, Meath, Wexford, Waterford and Dungarvan. Henry ensured all the legal and administrative institutions were also put in place to run this directly English controlled area with Courts, an Exchequer and administrative body in Dublin.

The Pale coincided roughly with the area of the old Danish sub-kingdom, which the Irish had tolerated since Briain Bóraimhe defeated the Danes in 1014. The Normans were themselves descendants of Scandinavians who settled in north western France, so that their annexation of the Pale could be seen as reinstating of an independent Danish kingdom in Ireland. However the Norman interest was more financial than of furthering pan Viking solidarity. The Irish Danish subkingdoms had generated a large amount of trade and wealth, especially through their extensive international Viking shipping contacts based in Dublin. Additionally the Irish based Danes had developed a consumer and urban culture fueled by the wide range of products traded internationally through Dublin. The life style and wealth made Dublin valuable real estate to the English Crown and their merchants.

Henry believed that he had gained for the English crown, the legal recognition by the Irish high king of the English King's overlordship. In some measure therefore Henry was obliged to restore Ruaithri, his vassal Irish king to a position of direct power over Ireland. But this in no way took away from the rewarding of his Norman knights, who took possession of vast tracts of land outside the Pale. Poor Ruaithri was effectively in a role of puppet, overlooking the takeover of his country.

With regard to ecclesiastical affairs, the old Danish subkingdoms had an independent church structure. The bishops were consecrated in Canterbury rather than in Ireland, a situation accepted by the Irish church. But now the Norman church at Canterbury moved to take direct control the Irish church in the Pale.

The problem for the Norman/Angevins was that the Irish were far more numerous than their Norman conquerors. Furthermore Norman power was concentrated in the east of Ireland, especially in the Pale. Hence whilst laws and administrative decisions might be made by Henry, there was simply not the resources to enforce those laws, except in the Pale area. Many Normans outside the Pale area soon found themselves struggling to defend their new lands, not just from the natives, but also from other Norman knights.

More Normans arrived in Ireland attracted by the prospect of acquiring lands. This wave of settlers turned their attention to Ulster, which had so far remained defiantly independent of Henry. John de Courcy a Norman knight equipped a private expedition from Dublin in February 1177. In a surprise attack de Courcy overran the Irish kingdom of Dál Fiatach on the East coast of County Down. Despite repeated counter-attacks, the Irish were unable to dislodge the Normans. De Courcy named his new acquisition the Lordship of Ulster, which over time came to dominate the whole of east Ulster.

The martial success of the Normans against larger Irish forces can largely be accounted for by their superior military technology. In particular their use of chain mail armour, the greater impact of their cavalry lances, due to the use of deep saddles and stirrups and their use of crossbows, which had a much greater range than Irish shortbows. Until the Irish acquired similar technology, raw courage would not be enough to seriously challenge the Normans. De Courcy tried to push into Antrim but despite his firepower, he overextended himself and was forced to beat a speedy retreat. Only 11 of his knights survived the encounter. What saved the survivors was that they were able to take refuge in their mote and bailey castle. From their toe hold on the coast, de Courcy was able to get resupplied by ship and put in place a step by step approach to the conquest of Down and Antrim. De Courcy followed each success by building an impressive castle to consolidate the gains. The most famous of these castles were at Carrickfergus and Dundrum. Over time the Norman's Ulster enclave took on the character of an independent state, with de Courcy minting his own currency, administering the Lordship without recourse to Dublin and even establishing a legal system and courts.

British Museum Books reviewed 1995

Repository Reference   Book Title  
111d 36   List of Officers in Ireland 1717  
4956 g 24   Irish Clergy in the 19th Century  
Ac 8318/7   The Compossicion Booke of Conought  
Ac 8313/8   Civil Survey 1654 - 56  
807 g 5 (55)   Commission for forfeited estates  
1229 1 13 (1)   Act for registering the Popish clergy Dublin 1703  
1229 1 13 (2)   Register 1705  
12978 h 22   Surnames by J Matheson  
c 21 f 12 (112)   Commission for forfeited estates 1690  
9509 dd 20   Patent Rolls from James I  
4165 b 107 (1)   Religious Census 1863  
9916 e 14 (2)   Surnames by J Matheson  
8133 c 57 (3)   Popish Pretenders to forfeited estates 1702  
601 f 15 (7)   List of names of persons at James II's part  
1860 d 1 (128)   Princes and Chieftains of Erin  
G 5503   Irish Ecclesiastical Exiles  
Ac 8318/20   Census of Ireland Circa 1659 with supplementary material from the Poll Money Ordinances  
Ac 8318/4   Register of Priors  
Ac 8318/11   Parishes in 1655/59  
G 6304   Claims with Trustees  
CSA 112/2   Births, deaths and marriages 1841, 1851, 1861, 1871, 1881  
CSA 49/6 (2)   Census of Population 1946  
CSA 116   Books of Survey and distribution abstracts of surveys and instruments of title 1660 -1661  


Books researched in the Society of Genealogists library, in London

Book Title   Publishers   Publish Date
The White Plague in Ulster by H G Calwell and D H Craig   The Ulster Medical Society    
The Irish Roots Guide by Tony McCarthy   Lilliput Press : Dublin   1991
Guide to the Irish Genealogy 3rd Edn. by Rev Wallace Clare FIGRS   Irish Genealogical Research Society : London   1966
Mr Hardinge on Surveys in Ireland 1688 to 1864        
A History of the Irish Army by John P Duggan   Gill & MacMillan : Dublin   1991
The Irish Chateaux, In search of descendants of the Wild Geese by Renaugh Holohan & Jeremy Williams   Lilliput Press : Dublin   1989
The Book of Ulster Surnames by Robert Bell   The Blackstaff Press : Belfast   1988
A Short History of Ireland 6th Edn by J C Beckett   The Cresset Library : London   1986
The History of the Irish in Britain: A Bibliography compiled by Maureen Hartigan   Irish in Britain History Centre   1986
An introduction to Irish Research by Bill Davis   Federation of Family History Societies : Oxford   1992
Ireland and Irish Emigration to the New World from 1815 to the Famine by William Forbes Adams Phd.   Yale University Press : New Haven, USA   1932
The Most Illustrious Order of St Patrick by Peter Galloway   Phillimore & Co : Chichester, Sussex   1983
Clergy of Connor from Patrician times to the present day   The Ulster Historical Foundation : Belfast   1993
Irish Names and Surnames by Rev Patrick Woulfe   Genealogical Publishing Co : Baltimore   1967

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