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Nuachtán No.8 - January/Eanáir 2001
As we have already reported the noted scholar of Irish Surnames Edward MacLysaght recorded that the entire Mullarkey family appear to have left their Donegal homeland en masse towards the end of the 16th century. We do not know whether they were forced out by the Ó Domhnaill clan overlord, or were displaced by the English army of Queen Elizabeth which was rampaging through Ireland. From the mid 1590's the insurrection by Aoidh Ó Néill in Tyrone and Aoidh Ó Domhnaill in Donegal brought conflict to much of Ulster and East Connacht. In such circumstances population displacement would be probable, so that MacLysaght's account seems possible. Some sources suggest that the O'Donnells may have wanted the Maelearcaidh clan out for some reason. One group of exiles appears to have settled in the Tubbercurry area of County Sligo, and another group appears to have settled further south in the Dunmore area of County Galway. In the 17th century religious persecution began to impact on the Irish population. These issues came to a head when the Catholic king James II of England attempted to reverse this process. The change in policy prompted rebellion in England and with the establishment backing the usurper William of Orange, James was forced to flee to Ireland. In 1688-89 James travelled through Connacht looking for soldiers for his army to fight William. James recruited some Mullarkey's in Galway and they marched off to the Province of Ulster to join the fight against King William's forces. By tradition some of these Connacht Mullarkey's in James' army fought at the battle of Newtownbutler in county Fermanagh in 1689. The outcome of the battle was disasterous for the Irish. A small number of Connacht Mullarkey's who survived the battle managed to go to ground in the Rosslea area, some 10 miles from the battlefield. Once settled in the area they began working as weavers and farmers. Their descendants are still to be found in the locality of Rosslea. The above provides a rational explanation to much of the 19th century pattern of location of the family as highlighted in the map showing the Griffiths valuation returns discussed in Newsletter number 6. However the one notable aspect of the Griffiths valuation is that there was not one clan member recorded as living in Donegal. One can only conclude therefore that the 16th century removal from Donegal appears to have been 100% effective, an extraordinary result for the period. Such an effect implies a degree of acceptance by the clan, which would tend to support the view that they moved on instruction from the O'Donnell clan overlord. We need to look for more evidence to either support or disprove the above. If the account proves accurate it may also mean that the clan moved well before the flight of the Gaelic princes from Ireland in 1607, that is prior to the initial major English plantation of Ulster. One wonders why the clan split, relocating in several parts of Connacht. Apart from the concentrations referred to above around Dunmore in Galway and Tubbercurry in Sligo, there is a third concentration of clan in Connacht in North West Mayo. It could be that this concentration was the result of latter dislocations caused by the main Ulster Plantations of the mid 17th century. One wonders whether the clan 's location in the Lough Foyle area between counties Donegal and Derry, resulted from descendants of clan survivors of the Gaelic army of James II, involved in the famous siege of Derry, now Londonderry. Plausibly, economic factors in the 19th century may have drawn clan from further west to the area around Derry, looking for work. In newsletter number 6 we noted that the only other noteworthy clan concentrations were in Munster. The most important of these is in county Cork, just to the north of Cobh and Cork city. This may have arisen from clan attracted to the British military and naval bases in the area. Indeed because of the deep harbour and large population, Cork was a major centre for recruitment and a huge logistical base for the British army and navy . Alternatively it could be that the clan presence in Munster might be the reminent of a totally separate clan sept based on the county Kerry connection with Saint Erc at Termon Eirc. Finally, and perhaps in line with a martial tradition, it could be that these Cork clan members are descendants of survivors of the Irish army of Aodh O Néill, defeated at the battle of Cinn Sáile in 1601. This would then leave only the small clan concentration around Birr on the Offaly-Tipperary border as unexplained. One other question raised by the Griffiths data is the lack of any clan presence around Dublin, Ireland's principal urban centre in the 19th century. We have previously noted that even in the 18th century some clan suceeded and prospered on the fringes of the Anglo-Irish establishment. In most cases such individuals were then living in the Dublin area. Their disappearance in the 19th century points to emigration of this class in the late 18th or early 19th centurys. Hearth Money Rolls for County Donegal and Sligo 1665 Clearly we need to examine all the above extant records. With regard to both the Donegal and Sligo Rolls the records show three members of our clan :-
Notably none of the clan recorded has the 'O' prefix. All the recorded persons are in Sligo, with none in Donegal. As with other early Sligo records, the family is placed in the same general area of the Kilmacteige parish. Hibernia Chronicle 1776-1780 An index extracted by Miss Goulding of the Society of Genealogists in 1947 from the Hibernia Chronicle lists the following death notice:- 13 March 1780 Column 9 no 21 Mullarky Jn. Acct. D (died at) King St., Oxmantown Co. Dublin. The above refers to a John Mullarky, accountant who practiced in County Dublin. This, as with a number of other references, points to a clan presence amongst the Dublin professional classes in the late 18th century. The success of a small number of clan either indicates exceptional individuals rising above religious prejudices, or a degree of religious and cultural conversion by those Irish who wished to progress. To establish which view is correct we need to find out more information about such clan members as John Mullarky. The historical context in which the Ó Maelearcaidh clan developed in Ireland - Series Issue No. 8 We set out below part 8 of our short Irish history series. In order to place
the Ó Maelearcaidh clan data into it's historical and sociological
context we shall over several issues set out a history of Ireland, covering the
period from approximately 1140 to the early 1800's. Within the context of a
general history, we shall provide a more detailed account of events between
1500 and 1700, as this was the defining period during which the Gaelic order,
the clan system and culture underpinning it were transformed into the proto
system and culture of the modern day. By the middle of the 16th century there was a state of near anarchy in Scotland, resulting from the religious conflict between Catholics and Protestants. In 1560 the French king Francis died and Mary Stuart (Mary Queen of Scots) therefore ceased to be the French queen, with the French Crown passing to the next male heir. The 17 year old Mary decided to return to Scotland to assume her rule as queen of Scots. Mary Stuart was a Catholic, but she had been brought up in what was for the times, sophisticated society. Her attitudes were far removed from the extremism of narrow minded religious fanaticism. It was therefore a courageous step to wish to return to a country, which was in religious turmoil and had been under the marshal law of Lord Hamilton. Through Marie de Guise, Mary Stuart made it known that if accepted by the Scots as monarch, she would gladly tolerate both the Protestant Kirk and the Catholic church in her realm. As a result Lord Hamilton in an effort to normalize society relinquished authority to Marie de Guise as regent. In 1561 Mary Stuart returned to Scotland, but soon found that she faced considerable opposition, both from ambitious nobles such as the Earl Moray who wished to claim the throne for themselves, but also from religious fanatics in the Kirk, led by John Knox. John Knox had been the private chaplain to Edward VI of England. His views had had a major impact on both Edward and Elizabeth. Therefore on her accession to the English throne, Elizabeth I had sent Knox to Scotland to lead the Presbyterian movement. Elizabeth wished to see the continued spread of Protestantism, but it was also to England's advantage to have pro English support in the Kirk. Elizabeth also wanted rid of Knox, as he was a Protestant extremist, who could only eccerbate religious conflict in England. Furthermore he was an outspoken misogynist who might undermine her position at court. It was much better to have Knox lambasting the Queen of Scotland, rather than herself. Therefore Elizabeth bankrolled Knox and his movement. He in turn delivered the Scots an uncompromising version of Presbyterianism, intolerant of Catholics, and especially intolerant of a Catholic queen. The heightened sectarian chaos caused in Scotland was to Elizabeth's advantage, as any opposition to her from Scotland was thereby neutralized. In England, rather than fermenting more hatred through persecution, Elizabeth pursued a more refined religious policy, enticing Catholics into a new Anglican church, a hybrid version of Protestantism with some degree of Catholic ceremony. Indeed it was only with her publication in 1563 of the 39 Articles of Protestant faith for the Anglican church, that a decisive split with Rome was made. A window for reconciliation remained open until 1570 when the Pope finally issued the order excommunicating her. With her rule a little more secure in England, Elizabeth was able to devote more time to Irish matters. Henry Sidney, who became Lord Deputy of Ireland in 1565 proposed a policy to her to effect a rapid defeat and anglicizing of the Gael, by extending the Bellingham plantation concept to the whole of the island. The plan involved three parts:-
Queen Elizabeth considered Sidney's proposals, but realised that his suggestion for the building of 8 garrisons and provisioning of 2,000 men just to control Ulster was a higher cost than she was prepared to commit. But Henry Sidney was a product of his times, in which free enterprise was at its uncontrolled extreme. It was a time when lands were being carved out in the American New World by Spanish adventurers. Sidney had no moral problems in pursuing his policy by private means, if the Crown was unwilling to act. He approached other entrepreneurs who recruited an army of land hungry English adventurers. In the Munster colony of Kerricurrihy, west of Cork city the land grab was in the nature of asset stripping, which drew the Gael and the Gaelic speaking Old English together in opposition to plantation. Events caused the Crown to realize that it could not allow the plantations to go ahead without some military control. The danger the New English posed was that their excesses threatened to unite the Irish and Old English against the Dublin authorities. Hand in hand with the need to control New English excesses Elizabeth was also under pressure from her advisers to agree measures to contain the Irish, as well as assent to laws prohibiting Scots Highlanders and Islesmen from settling in Ireland. Whilst Elizabeth recognised that eradication of the Gael in Ireland was not a readily achievable goal in the short term, all measures that might weaken their unity should be considered. This included attempts to draw some of the Gael towards loyalty to England, the English language and Protestant religion. In Scotland Seon Carsuel had translated Knox's Book of Common Prayer into Gaelic in 1567. The lack of success in converting the Gael in Ireland to Protestantism increasingly forced the established church to look to Scotland for Gaelic speeking Protestant preachers for Ireland.
Elizabeth concluded that it might be better to recognise Shane's title as the Ó Néill and gain his loyalty rather than continued the conflict which only seemed to be strengthening his grip on Ulster. Therefore she offered to forget the past and offered talks. Travelling to England under offer of safe conduct and in the presence of ambassadors from Sweden, Savoy, Spain and Venice, Shane met Elizabeth herself. After some weeks of consideration, she finally agreed to making him the Earl of Tyrone and recognise him as "Captain of O'Cahan country and much of Antrim." The English were to retain their garrison at Armagh, but Ó Néill had in all but name become the overlord of Ulster. Sussex was outraged. Shane for his part made a great show of remorse for his previous conduct. But the other Ulster nobles feared the return of Shane. Now that he was officially accepted by the English as their overlord, they feared that he would sweep them all away. On his return to Ulster, Shane turned on the Ó Domhnaill's, who had supported the campaign by Sussex. He devastated their lands, carrying off many of their cattle. He then attacked the O'Reilly's and O'Hanlons, before similarly attacking the much more formidable Maguighir's of Fermanagh. Ulster was ravaged end to end, resulting in thousands starving and destitute. All appeals by the Irish lords to Sussex for help were ignored. The angry O'Hanlon chief said that "it would be better to serve the worst Irishman than to trust the queen." In 1563 fearing the boldness and ruthlessness of Shane, Sussex finally mounted a fresh attack on him. Shane again waged a guerilla war of attrition against Sussex's men, as they fearfully marched north through the woodlands and bogs. Struggling also against the conditions and terrible weather, the English eventually reached the government base at Armagh. Exhausted by their efforts, Sussex's men was hit by one final surprise attack, which resulted in him lossing many of his supplies. Sussex was totally exposed and obliged yet again to retreat to the safety of Dublin. Angered by his failure he personally organised a second campaign, this time he got as far as Clogher, but again by avoiding a full engagement Shane managed not only to preserve his power, but also to spirit away his cattle. Sussex believed he could given time defeat Ó Néill, but Elizabeth had lost patience. She decided to go over his head agreeing to another ceasefire with Shane and then agreeing a new peace deal. She ordered the disbanding of the English base at Armagh, enabling Shane to further extend his control. Sussex had been totally outmanouvered militarily and politically by Ó Néill. In England political rivals of Sussex, in particular Robert Dudley, the Earl of Leicester saw an opportunity to gain the queen's ear at the expense of Sussex. Dudley advised Shane that if he drove out the Scots from the glen of Antrim, this would gain for him even more favour from Elizabeth. Shane fell for the bait. He had claimed overlordship of the glens, but attacking the Scots could not add significantly to his position and the danger was that he would overextend himself if his Irish enemies united with the Scots of the isles and western highlands. With Dublin encouraging his actions, Shane attacked the Antrim Scots in force in 1565. As predicted, aid from the Scottish west coast MacDonnell clan came to help Sorley Boy MacDonnell in his defence of Antrim. Shane's campaign was fierce and soon the Scots found themselves mounting a last stand on the slopes of Knocklayd. Shane revelled in his victory, killing many of the Scots and reporting the victory to Dublin. Both Mary Queen of Scots and Queen Elizabeth asked Shane to be merciful to James MacDonnell, however Shane was ruthless with his enemies and allowed the leader of the MacDonnell clan to die of his wounds. Ó Néill boasted to Lord Sidney that,
He warned that no English administrators, or armies would again be allowed into Ulster. Shane had truly become a genuine danger to English authority in Ireland. Were other Irish regions to follow suite, Ireland could be in uproar. Elizabeth was determined that she had to destroy him. While Shane turned his attention to taking the English military base at Dundalk, Elizabeth sent a force by sea to land north of his army. Simultaneously Sidney led a second much larger force, strengthened by Ulster opponents such as Calvagh Ó Domhnaill and Shane Maguighir from the south. Shane Ó Néill followed his strategy of guerilla warefare, slowing down Lord Sidney's army, but this time the English were not halted. Fermanagh was freed from his rule and a new English fort built at Derry. Shane continued to evade a full military engagement, as Calvagh Ó Domhnaill was restored to govern Tír Conaill. The cat and mouse chase continued. Unpredictably Shane attacked the new fort at Derry. The assault in November 1566 initially went poorly. Shane lacked artillery or arquebusiers (the latest firearms) and the defenders, though few in number, were well armed. Nevertheless the fort was taken by luck, as the gunpowder supplies accidentally exploded. But events had weakened Shane and when he finally threw his men against Tír Conaill at Farsetmore, he was heavily defeated by a combination of MacSweeneys and Ó Domhnaills. With his army destroyed and nowhere else to run, Shane as unpredictable as ever asked for help from his old adversaries, the Scots of Antrim. He had one last card to play. In a hope to win over the Scots, he returned Somhairle Buí from captivity to the MacDonnells. In a piece of predictable theatre, the MacDonnells prepared a welcome for Shane and whilst he feasted with them, they promptly killed him. The MacDonnells had secretly agreed with Sidney to assasinate Shane in exchange for the reconition by Dublin of their right to live in Antrim. So in 1567 the coalition of Ó Neill clan rivals, Ó Donnells and Scots Gael settlers from Antrim, finally laid low the great Seán (an Díomuis) Ó Néill. With Shane dead and the Gael of Ulster once again without a strong leader, the English predictably renaged on their agreement with the Scots of Antrim. Sidney formulated his "Ulster Plan" to drive out the Scots and push the Irish back west of the River Bann. The plan was to properly consolidate Crown control by then offering the lands of east of the river Bann to his associates amongst the New English. Meanwhile to contain further Irish resistance to the expansion of English
control in Ireland, Queen Elizabeth I followed a dual policy of enticing the
Ulster and Connacht nobles into treaties. During the period of peace she
continued the build up of English militarily strength within the Pale for the
ultimate military conquest of Ireland. For now the stronger Gaelic Princes had
the military strength to extract rents from the New English Protestant
settlers, but without a united front, they could not oppose the expanding
authority of Dublin. Sir Henry Sidney persued the new policy of controlling the natives and Old English, by seeking to draw their leaders into accepting the authority of new government structures throughout Ireland. To this end he gained submission of the Mayo Burkes and Galway Burkes into accepting English dominion of an English Governor of Connacht. This would tentatively bring the Province of Connacht under English rule. In July 1569 Sir Edward Fitton was appointed as the new Governor of Connacht with a council to assist him. One of his first actions was to rule on the boundary between the new English counties of Connacht and the boundary with Thomand to the South. The Mayo Burkes were soon in conflict with the Governor unable to accept his authority. Inevitably the English enlisted the Galway Burkes in the ensuing conflict in a classic policy of divide an conquer. In June 1570 at the battle of Shrule despite the forces against them, the Mayo Burkes managed to win the day. Nevertheless shortly afterwards realizing their isolated position, the Mayo Burkes concluded they had no option other than to submit to Crown rule. Sidney continued to develope his "Ulster Plan" recruiting English merchants, artisans and other businessmen willing to take on the risks of Plantation for a share in the carve up of Antrim and Down. He also looked for investors to underwrite the cost of the military campaign, finally securing the backing of the Earl of Leicester. Sidney waited for the right moment when he could put the plan into effect. With now the finances in place and English adventurers willing to be involved, Lord Sidney gained Elizabeth's agreement to launch his Ulster Project. But the number of colonists did not materialise, as many waited for certainty that the native Irish threat had been dealt with. The new leader of the Uí Néill was Turlough Luineach Ó Néill. Following the devisive era of Shane Ó Néill, Turlough managed to resume good relations between the Uí Néill and their neighbouring clans. He used the new co-operation to hire large numbers of Gallóglaigh from the Ó Domhnaills. By carefully combining strategic alliances with decisive repression of his rivals, Turlough rebuilt Uí Néill power throughout Ulster. His success increasingly posed a real threat to Sidney's Ulster project. With fears increasing, New English colonists began to pull out of the plantation scheme. Sidney appealed for backup. But there was no support available. Rebellion had broken out in Munster in 1568, irregular New English plantations there had sparked off major Old English violence. With Dublin's forces tied down in Munster, there were no English soldiers available to enable his project to go ahead. Despite the lack of progress, Sidney's New English backers in London some how managed to get authorisation from Elizabeth to also plant the Ó Néill Clandeboye lands in Ulster. The new Lord Deputy, Sir William FitzWilliam, a man with Old English sympathies, protested to London that such authorisation was unacceptable. Briain Ó Néill, chief of the Clandeboyes was pro English and an ally of Dublin. He had fought with Dublin against Shane Ó Néill and had even been knighted for his efforts. By betraying Briain Ó Néill, London was undermining the whole Old English policy of surrender and regrant. When faced with the threat of loosing his lands, Briain Ó Néill threw his support behind Turlough Luineach Ó Néill and fell on the would be planters. The instability caused by London breaking it's word to Irish loyalists led to insurrection all over Ireland. In 1572 the Mayo Burkes of Connacht nolonger able to trust English guarantees of their land rights, briefly came out in revolt this time with some of the Galway Burkes. The revolt quickly petered out as English authority extended it's military will in Connacht. The Mayo Burkes learned the cost of disloyalty to Elizabeth and resolved to support future Crown initiatives, especially if it would enhance their status vis-a-vis their rival Galway (Clanrickard) Burkes. Attacks by English Buccaneers on Spanish shipping stung Philip into action. He responded by having all English owned property in Spain confiscated. Philip's previously expressed desires to see Elizabeth replaced were now fleshed out, with actual plans for invasion of England. Philip developed the idea of using the Spanish controlled Netherlands as a springboard for invasion. But through her European intelligence network Elizabeth found out about the invasion plan , as well as Philip's plans for her assassination. Philip's advisers persuaded him from immediate action, for which Elizabeth was heartily relieved, as she realised that her forces were still not strong enough to face a direct conflict with Spain. Elizabeth concluded that her best policy was to delay and divert the Spanish from invasion until she could build up English defenses. Therefore between 1572 and 1577 Elizabeth sanctioned and even supported the privateering of adventurers such as John Hawkins and Francis Drake against Spanish treasure ships. In this way she aimed to reduce Spain's ability to finance war against England and her allies. More directly, Elizabeth also sought to prevent Spain gaining free access to the ports in the Spanish Netherlands. By openly supporting the Protestant cause in the Spanish colonial territories of the Low Countries, she sought to exercerbate Spain`s military and colonial problems. From 1572 Queen Elizabeth had been sending aid secretly to help Protestant rebels in the Netherlands, who were fighting to establish a Protestant republic independent of Spanish colonial government. The fighting in the Low Countries had led to the garrisoning of a large professional Spanish army in this strategic part of Europe, to control the Dutch. Not only was Spain's traditional enemy, France worried by this situation, but now England had particular cause for worry as did the small German Protestant states.
Unable to get their way legally, the New English ignored the laws to protect the landholdings of the Old English and Irish. Irregular plantations inevitably led to rebellion. There were no less than 6 Old English rebellions between 1568 and 1583. On the whole these were not rebellions against the Crown, but resistance to the actions of the New English. One interesting feature of these Old English rebels was that they rejected not just the New English laws, but they rejected the New English ways, even reverting to native Irish dress. In 1573 the Queen's new favourite, and hero of the New English philosopy, Walter Devereau, the Earl of Essex was appointed Governor of Ulster. He was so confident in his abilities that he mortgaged his English estates to finance a campaign to defeat the Clandeboyes. Elizabeth offered him most of county Antrim should he succeed. With little alternative Briain Ó Néill was forced to surrender to Essex and plead forgiveness from the Crown. Essex, assuming the Clandeboyes were now pliant took 10,000 head of their cattle. But his fellow settlers were less courageous and feared a counterattack by the Clandeboyes. Essex noted that settlers were increasingly deserting him. Suddenly the tables turned as Briain Ó Néill recaptured his cattle, inspiring wholesale desertions by Essex's now very nervous New English settlors. Essex for his part complained about his difficulties to anyone prepared to listen. He finally decided on drastic action to preserve the venture, hanging some deserters as examples to the rest. He also showed the true cruel depths of New English hearts by murdering issolated groups of Gael, stealing their cattle and despoiling crops. In October 1574 an act of perfidious treachery, he pretended to offer the hand of friendship to Briain Ó Néill, making a great feast for him in Belfast castle. While the banquet was in full swing, Essex had Ó Néill, his wife and brother seized. In the presence of all his guests and in front of Ó Néill, all Ó Néill's people in the hall were murdered, men women and children. Briain himself, together with his wife and brother were sent to Dublin where they were hanged, before being drawn and quartered, "a la Braveheart style". Somhairle Buí MacDonnell had become prince of the Scots of Antrim. The MacDonnells also had extensive interests in the western isles. Whilst the neighbouring Irish clans generally welcomed their presence in the Antrim glens, they posed a threat to New English expansion in Antrim. The Dublin policy over decades had been to drive them out of Ireland if possible. Somhairle was a very talented leader and managed to broker a peace treaty with the Campbell's his clan's old adversaries in the western isles. With his Scottish possessions secure, he then deepened his Irish alliances, by arranging for his brother's sister to marry Turlough Luineach Ó Néill, the most powerful of the Ulster Irish leaders, and for his neice, "Iníon Dubh" to marry Aoidh Ó Domhnaill, king of Tír Chonaill, probably second only in power to Turlough Luineach. These marriage alliances drew the Scots and Irish closer together. Essex viewing events had had enough of Somhairle and his Scots. In July 1575 he sent an army against them led by Captain John Norris and Francis Drake. The army moved north by sea and attacked the Scots based on Rathlin island. The fighting raged for days as the Scots retreated inside the castle. A truce was agreed and the defenders agreed to terms of surrender. But once the English took possession, they went beserk and slaughtered everyone, defenders and civilians alike. A tragic Somhairle witnessed the unfolding tragedy from the Irish mainland as his kinsmen and women were murdered. That this brutal policy was official policy can be seen in the fulsome praise heaped on John Norris by a delighted Queen Elizabeth. But apart from the destruction of Rathlin the expedition failed to dislodge the Scots out of Antrim, indeed Somhairle attacked the main English castle in Ulster at Carrickfergus in revenge. In September 1575 a campaign by English troops led by Lord Sidney was far more successful forcing Turlough Luineach himself to pledge loyalty to the Crown at Armagh. Lord Sidney was no woolley liberal, he generally agreed with the policy of brutality and land grabbing. However he differed from Essex in believing that the size of the task was too great for private enterprise to finance. Elizabeth reluctantly agreed and so she appointed Essex Earl Marshall of Ireland, a post based in Dublin. With her favourite Essex promoted to a desk job, Elizabeth effectively got him out of the Ulster hot seat. She now hoped that Sidney might have greater success. His options narrowed as the economic constraints on the English economy, meant that Elizabeth was nolonger prepared to even maintain her current military budget in Ireland. This could only be good news for the Irish, as one third of the English army in Ireland was disbanded. The new closeness between the Ulster Irish and Scots nobles following the intermarriages led to a deepening co-operation, with a flood of Scots now settling in Antrim to the dismay of the Dublin authorities. As regards Essex, he failed to enjoy his early retirement, issolated and drinking heavily, he died of dysentry in 1576. That same year some of the Galway Clanrickard Burkes saw their inheritance position weakened under the new English laws and once again rebellion broke out. This time the Mayo Burkes got their opportunity to advance themselves at their old rivals cost, by defending Castlebar for the Crown. Indeed many of the local Gaelic princes, including the famous Gaelic "pirate queen" Granuaile, (Gráinne ní Mháille), supported the English forces of the Lord Deputy Sidney. The inevitable result was the resounding defeat of the Galway Burkes. With Spain
increasing it's military expenditure, the war in the Netherlands gradually
swung in her favour through 1577. Events moved rapidly as Elizabeth became more
deeply involved in European politics. In 1578 fearing a collapse of the Dutch
forces in the war in the Netherlands, the coalition against Spain, including
England began to openly sent troops to help the Dutch. This was the culmination
of an amazing transformation in European alliances. England was now in alliance
with her traditional enemies France and Scotland against Spain, who had been
her ally since the times of Henry VIII.
Developing conflict and conspiracy in Ireland was seen in Catholic Spain as an objective which might distract English military resources and weaken England's ability to intervene in the Netherlands. The connections between Spain and Ireland go back into the mist of prehistory. The stories of Irish mythology place the Gael in Spain prior to arriving in Ireland. This belief together with a common Catholicism coloured Irish relations with Spain and an Irish contingent had assisted King Ferdinand with the final defeat of the Moorish state of Granada in 1510. The Spanish for their part appear to have regarded the Irish as some distant part of the Spanish family. Indeed successive Spanish monarchs treated Irishmen as Spanish subjects. There were also ties of trade between Spain and Ireland. To open up a new front in 1580, Philip II was well disposed to make available ships for an invasion of Ireland by Irish exiles, who planned to instigate a general rebellion. The Vatican provided the financial support and encouragement for this "Catholic crusade". The exiles had based themselves on the headland at Smerwick, on the west coast of Kerry. Philip's ships carried supplies, provisions and munitions for their cause, together with some 800 Italian and Spanish volunteers. However after so much failed insurrection, the Irish population was fearful of the consequences. Also the question of religious affiliation was still not the profound issue in Ireland it was latter to become. The rebels soon realised that their presence was not going to cause the popular revolt they had naively expected. For some time they were going to have to depend on their own resources, but before they had an opportunity to link up with local rebels, the English sent forces to crush them. A naval squadron led by Sir William Winter blockaded the coast area and pounded the rebel position in Smerwick. The rebels could not have been in a worse location as they could be bombarded by sea on three sides. Meanwhile English land forces led by Lord Deputy Grey cut off the headland. Reinforced with troops commanded by Sir Walter Raleigh, the English finally overran the defenders after 3 days resistance. All but 15 of the surviving defenders were slaughtered, despite promises of fair terms of surrender. For now Philip was forced to cut his losses in Ireland and as he had not actually financed the rebels, he was able to conveniently disavow the whole incident. In Connacht the native Irish and Norman Irish continued to find it difficult to accept English law to resolve matters such as inheritance of title to clan leadership. Internicine conflict erupted between the Mayo Burke contenders for the title of the MacWilliamship. The husband of Gráinne ní Mhaille, Risteard an Iarainn especially caused the English authorities disquiet by his adept use of military force to advance his claim. To disarm the threat the new Lord Deputy, Sir Nicholas Malbie, showed great ingenuity in English policy by recognizing Risteard as the Mac William. By involving themselves in resolving internal clan conflict the English further extended the legitimacy of English authority and law. Malbie was a great believer in the pan Gaelic Conspiracy. He like many believed that event in Ulster proved that Irish and Scots Gael were uniting with a common purpose to roll back the English and their culture from both Ireland and Scotland. It was also believed in New English circles that the Gael had common purpose with Mary Queen of Scots and the French to then destroy Elizabeth and the Protestant cause. Such levels of co-ordination of purpose did not exist, but perhaps such conspiracy theories enabled Elizabethans to justify to their often brutal acts.
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